Amble and District
     Local History


`Noveritis nos Henricum comitem Northumbriae, et dominum honoris Cockirmouth, ac consortem nostram, ex consensu et assensu Henrici primogeniti nostri, intuitu charitatis, et pro salute animarum nostrarum, patrum, matrum, et omnium antecessorum nostrorum, et specialiter pro salute animae excellentissimi principis et domini nostri, Henrici quinti, quondam Regis Angliae, etc. Hiis testibus, Johanne priore de Tynmouthe, Willelmo priore de Brenkburne, Radulpho Percy filio nostro, Roberto Ogle, Henrico Fenwyke, militibus, Rogero Thornton, Willelmo Bartrame, Ricardo Albroughe, et Johanne Cartintonne, armigeris. Datum apud Werkworthe, xij die mensis Octobris, Anno Domini M CCCC L .' Lansdowne MS. 326, Tate, Alnwick, ii. app. p. xxiii.
Chronicle of the Reign of James II. of Scotland, published by Thomson, quoted in Hodgson MSS.
Duke of Northumberland's MSS.
' `Datum sub sigillo nostro apud Werkworth, quarto decimo die mensis Septembris, anno R. R. Henrici sexti post conquaestum Angliae xx.' Lansdowne MS. 326, Tate, Alnwick, ii. app. p. xiv. See also Hist. MSS. Com. 3rd Report, app. 1872, p. 47.
Test. Ebor. ii. Surt. Soc. No. 30, pp. 12, 13.
'Et nos dictus Henricus de concessu dicti abbatis et conventus, reservamus nobis, haeredibus et successoribus nostris, de proventibus praefati hospitalis, quinque marcas legalis monetae Angliae, per eosdem abbatem et conventum solvendas quolibet anno imperpetuum, per duos anni terminos, Pentecostes videlicet, et Sancti Martini in hyeme, aequis porcionibus, Cantariae nostrae nuper fundatae in castello nostro de Warkworthe ......Datum in castello nostro de Warkworthe, xxvi die mensis Februarii, Anno Domini M CCCC XXXIJ.' Lansdowne MS. 326, Tate, Alnwick, ii. app. p. xxii. There seems to be no entry of the foundation of this chantry in Bishop Langley's Register. Tate (ii. p. 41) is mistaken in supposing that the obligation of paying the 5 marks was removed in 1457. It was not removed till 1532.
Proc. and Ord. of Privy Council, iii. p. 171. Sir H. Nicolas there erroneously styles William de Alnewyk, at that time probably archdeacon of Salisbury (see ante, p. 108), Lord Alnewyk.
Ibid. loc. 25, 149
Original letter in the Treasury, Durham, loc. 25, 164.
This reminds us of Chaucer's Cambridge story, ` Poor scoleres tuo. Of o town were they born that highte Strothir, fer in the North, I can not telle where.' Reeve's Tale, lines 4000 and 4012.
See Longstaffe, Percy Heraldry, in Arch. Ael. n.s. iv. pp. 157-228, and for reproductions of the seals p. 90, post.
Original letter in the Treasury, Durham, loc. 25, 144.
`Escript a nostre chasten de Warkeworth le xj jour de marce.' Ibid. loc. 25, 160. The pope, the earl declares, would readily grant the licence in question. ` John Weremouth, chaplain,' is mentioned in the will of John Stockdale of Newcastle, 8th April, 1416. Welford, Newcastle and Gateshead, 14th and 15th Cent. p. 260.
Original letter in the Treasury, Durham, loc. 25, 159
Collins, Peerage, 1812, ii. p. 280, quoting Cavell's Roll. The most excellent and detailed account of the Percy family there given is generally supposed to have been written by Bishop Percy. St. Grimbald was a monk of St. Bertin at the time King Alfred was entertained in the abbey on his way to Rome. He was invited over to England by Alfred in 885, and became abbot of the secular canons of Newminster at Winchester, where he died in 903.
`Confirmatio domini Henrici de Percy sexti. Pateat universes per praesentes quod nos Henricus de Percy comes Northumbriae filius et haeres domini Henrici de Percy chivaler nuper defuncti, etc. Hiis testibus, Roberto Umframville, Roberto de Ogle, Johanne de Woddryngton, Willielmo de Whvtchester, Thoma de Gray de Horton militibus, et multis aliis. Data apud castrum nostrum de Werkworth tertio die mensis Octobris anno Regis Henrici quinti post conquestum Angliae quinto.' Proc. Arch. Inst. 1852, ii. app. p. c.
`restitut a moun nome.' Letter of Henry, earl of Northumberland, to the prior of Durham, dated London, 23rd of March (1415/16), preserved in the Treasury, Durham, loc. 25, 146. Seal gone. The date of the earl's restoration is generally incorrectly given as the 16th of March. During his detention in Scotland, he witnessed as Henry de Perci a charter (now in the possession of the duke of Argyll) granted at Stirling, 18th of January, 1413, to Duncan, Lord Campbell, by his father-in-law Robert, duke of Albany. Hist. MSS. Comm. app. 4th Report, 1873, p. 470.
Deputy-keeper's 43rd Report, app. i. p. 581. The precise date is recorded in the Little Pedigree of the Percy Family at Alnwick castle, compiled in the time of the fourth earl of Northumberland. 'Anno dni MCCCCXV iij kk marcii introivit Henricus percy comes secundus in Angliam apud Berwyke super Twedam et eodem anno desponsavit alianoram filiam Rad' Nevyle.' The year 1415/16 was leap year ; and, according to this, the marriage of Henry, the second earl, must have taken place between the 28th of February and the 25th of March, 1416, thus corroborating the statement of the Whitby Register, Harl. MS. 692, xxvi. f. 235, that Henry Percy's restoration to the earldom was due to the intercession of his mother-in-law, the countess of Westmorland. The melodramatic account of this marriage given in the Hermit of Warkworth has no historical foundation.
`A n're ch' & b'n ame le conestable de n're chastell de (` Bamburgh' erased) Warkworth,' etc. Proc. and Ord. of Privy Council, ii. p. 161.
'En tesmoynance, etc., a nostre chastel de Werkworth, le xij jour de may Ian du regne de mon tressoveraine frere le Roy Henri quint puis le conquest primer.' The seal is inscribed sigill . . iohannis filii henrici regis.' Raine, North Durham, app. p. 143.
'whiche letters I sawe in the castell of Werkeworth, when I was constable of it vnder my lord, Sir Robert Vmfrevile, who had that castell of Kyng Henry his gift, by forfeture of therle of Northumberland.' Hardyng, Chronicle, cciii. ed. Ellis, 1812, p. 361. Umframvill had also the town and demesne of Warkworth. Claus. Roll, lo Hen. IV. 32, October 30th, 1408 ; Wylie, ii. p. 259 n. Sampson Hardyng was appointed a commissioner to enquire as to a Flemish vessel driven ashore at Warkworth and plundered by the earl of Mar, February 28th, 1410. Pat. Rolls, 11 Hen. IV. ed. 1, 4 d. ; 13 Hen. IV. 27 d. ; Wylie, n. p. 260 n.
`Rex dilecto et fideli suo Roberto Umframvill capitaneo castri nostri de Werkworth, etc., xxx die Maij.' Hodgson, Northd. pt. iii. vol. ii. p. 142. Cf. Mandate of Henry 1V. to the receiver of Warkworth castle to pay 20s. to the sacrist of Durham from Warkworth mill in the king's hands by the forfeiture of Henry, late earl of Northumberland, Westminster 30th May, A° r. vij. Raine, North Durham, app. p. 143. See also Feodarium Prioratus Dunelmensis, Surt. Soc. No. 58, p. 2.
Johannes illustris regis Angliae filius conestabularius Angliae ac custos orientalis Marchiae versus Scotiam, etc. Data sub sigillo nostro in castro de Werkeworth primo die Januarii anno regni metuendissimi domini et patris mei regis Henrici quarti post conquestum Angliae septimo.' Proc. Arch. Inst. 1852, ii. app. p. xcvi. The charter is there headed Confirmatio domini Johannis ducis Bedfordiae. John of Lancaster was created duke of Bedford and earl of Kendal on the 16th of May, 1414.
'Jay mys en plege tout mon vessell dargent ovec toutz mes autres poveres jo aulx pour lease des souldeours et salvation de la ville.' Cotton MS. Vesp. F. vii. No. 113, f. 107. The Cottonian Catalogue, p. 498, which ascribes all four letters to 1407 on no authority, has misdated this one 28th November.
'le dit gardein . . a prise la garde de les . ville chastel et marche a meyndre prys annuelment pour le temps du guerre que Mons. Henry Percy prist en soun temps par xj D. marcz en discharge du roialme,' etc. Cotton MS. Vesp. F. vii. f. 116, Proc. and Ord. of Privy Council, ii. p. 138. Sir H. Nicolas carelessly translates this `the duke had undertaken the wardenship for 1,500 marks a year less than was allowed to Sir Henry Percy.' Ibid. pref. p. xiv. and Chronological Catalogue, p. viii.
Of these letters that in Cotton MS. Vesp. F. vii. No. 110, f. 105, addressed to the keeper of the Privy Seal and dated 'al chastell de Werkworth le xxvj jour de Novembre,' and the almost identical one of the same date to the king, ibid. No. 111, f. 106, seem to belong to 1405, as the prince alludes in them to the fact of the castles of Berwick, Jedburgh, and Fast having been recently entrusted to him. In another letter to the king, 'escript en haste a vostre chastell de Werkeworth,' also on the 26th of November, possibly in a different year, he declares that he cannot remove John Mosdale, the constable, from Scarborough castle, nor interfere with the castles of Whitby and Hartlepool, which belonged to the abbot of Whitby and Lord Clifford, without more express orders.
Rot. Pat. 6 Henry IV. pt. 2, m. to. ' Pat. Rolls, 6 Hen. IV. 2, 10, June 27th, 1405; Wylie, ii. p. 281 n.
Tate, Hist. of Alnwick, i. p. 274. As bishop of Lincoln, William de Alnewyk aided the foundation of Eton college in 1440 by appropriating the parish church of Eton to its use. Maxwell Lyte, Hist. of Eton College, p. 5.
De pardonacione. Rex, etc., salutem. Sciatis quod cum mense Augusti ultimo preterite quedam litera per nuper comitem Northumbrie cuidam Johanni de Middelham nuper custodi castri de Werkeworthe in comitatu Northumbrie missa fuisset, qui quidam Johannes literam predictam post recepcionem et inspeccionem ejusdem mandavit Willielmo de Alnewyk canonico abbatie de Alnewyke et vicario ecclesie de Chatton, ac idem Johannes ea occasione postmodum inde impetitus et morti condempnatus literam illam prefato Willielmo transmisisse se confessus fuisset, quo pretextu idem Willielmus ob metum mortis et in salvacionem vite sue fugit et penes prefatum nuper comitem in partes Scocie transivit, ubi ipse diu moram traxit ut dicit ; nos ob reverenciam Dei de gratia nostra speciali et ad supplicacionem ipsius Willielmi pardonavimus eidem Willielmo sectam pacis nostre que ad nos versus ipsum pertinet pro omnimodis perdicionibus insurrectionibus rebellionibus forisfacturis feloniis et mesprisionibus quibuscumque per ipsum ante hec tempora factis sive perpetratis, unde ipse indictatus rectatus vel appellatus existit, ac eciam utlagarie si que in ipsum hiis occasionibus fuerint promulgate, et firmam pacem nostram ei inde concedimus. Ita tamen quod stet recto in curia nostra si qui versus eum loqui voluerint de premissis vel de aliquo premissorum. In cujus, etc. Teste, Rege. apud Westmonesterium xxiiij die April. Per breve de privato sigillo.' Rot. Pat. 9 Henry IV. pt. 2, m. 28.
Proc. and Ord. of Privy Council, i. p. 275 : ` . . . . le chastel de Werkworthe et a notre venue illeoques nous envoiasmes au capitain de mesme . . . . livree dicel, liquel capitain soy tenant assez fort sibien de gens comme de vitaille et de tout autre estuffe . . . . refusa outrement de le faire, disant quil vourroit garder le dit chastel al oeps du dit conte. Et ce a nous rapp . . pour finale response, nous envoiasmes incontinent a ycel chastel noz canones qui y firent a nous tiel service que dedeinz sept gettes, le dit capitain et tous les autres de sa compagnie criantz merci se soubmistrent a notre grace en hault et en has, et firent a nous liveree du susdit chastel a savoir le primier jour de cest mois de Juillet, dedeinz quel nous avons mis noz .gens.' There is a document dated apud parcum nostrum de Warkworth,' July 2nd, 1405, in Duchy of Lancaster Records, xi. 15 ; Wylie, ii. p. 259 n.
Pat. 6 Hen. IV. 2, 4 ; Rot. Viag. 17, 18; Wylie, ii. p. 258.
Hardyng, Chronicle, cciii.
`Omne praeparamentum belli, machinas petrarias, balistas et gunnas ; quarum una tam capax fuit, ut nullus murus perferret, ut creditur, ictus ejus.' Annales Henrici Quarti, Rolls series, p. 411. The king took a personal interest in the construction of his artillery (Wylie, Hist. of England under Henry IV. ii. p. 269), and the disastrous effect of his cannonade of Berwick during this campaign is attested by the reports of his son John in Cotton MS. Vesp. F. vii. ff. 109, 116.
'Item, en le mois de Maii suisdit Henry de Percy appelle count de Northumbrie enprisona ou fist enprisoner Robert Watertone, esquier, de notre seigneur le roy et par Iuy envoiez en message a dit Henry de Percy et Iuy tenoit et fesoit tenir longement en prisone encontre sa voluntee en les chastelx de Werkworth, Alnewic, Berwyc, et aillours et luy ne vuilloit deliverer par mandement ne message de notre seigneur le roy nen autre maniere tanque Johan de Watertone frere au dit Robert fust mys en hostage pour luy.' Rot. Parl. 7 Hen. IV. 74.
Proc. and Ord. of Privy Council, ii. p. 103. The earl's father is compared to Judas Maccabaeus in accounts of the battle of Neville's Cross, `Dominus Henricus Percy, ut alter Judas Machabaeus filius Matathiae,' etc. Chron. de Lanercost, p. 350, the Matathias on that occasion being the archbishop of York.
Ibid. p. 450. In the Annales Henrici Qaarti, Rolls series, John de Trohelozve, etc., p. 390, two of the earl's grandsons, Henry and Thomas, are given as the sons of Hotspur, and only one, Henry Percy of Athole, as the son of Sir Thomas Percy, who had died in Spain in 1386. This is a mistake; Henry fitz Hotspur was only in his tenth year in 1404, and is not known to have had any brother.
Ibid. p. 402.
Wylie, Henry IV. i. p. 399, quoting Rot. Parr. iii. 523.
'Et auxi que lez chastelles de Berwyk, Alnwyk et Warkworth sount garde par le mayn force par Monsieur William de Clifford, Monsieur Henry Percy, et Monsieur Thomas Percy, et voilliount tener lez ditez chastell encontre vous s'ils pouront. Et auxi que lez ditez chevaliers,' etc. Letter from John Coppyll, constable of Bamburgh, to Henry IV., dated Bamburgh, 13th January, 1404. Royal and Historical Letters, temp. Henry IV. Rolls series, i. p. 206.
'De essendo coram Rege. Rex Henrico de Percy filio Thome de Percy chivaler, salutem. Quibusdam certis de causis nos specialiter moventibus, tibi super fide et ligeancia quibus nobis teneris et sub forisfac tura omnium que nobis forisfacere poteris precipimus firmiter injungentes quod statim visis presentibus castra de Alnewyk et Werkworth per te et tuos tenta et occupata dilecto et fideli nostro Thome Neville Domino de Furnyvalle quern ad illa de te recipienda per literas nostras patentes deputavimus liberes seu liberari facias et excusacione quacumque cessante in propria persona tua penes presenciam nostram in comitiva nostra personaliter moraturus te trahas properes et festines et hoc super fide et ligeancia tuis predictis ac sub forisfactura antedicta nullatenus omittas. Test. Rege apud Westm. vj die Decembr. Per ipsum regem et consilium.' Rot. Claus. 5 Hen. IV. pt. 1, m. 27.
Rot. Scot. ii. p. 165.
Die Venevis ix die Novembris, Ricardus Vaux. Ricardo Vaux misso ex ordinacione consilii regis cum sigillo comitis Northumbriae eidem comiti liberando, in denariis sibi liberatis per manus proprias pro vadiis et expensis suis eundo et redeundo ex causa predicta per consideracionem thesaurarii et camerarii, xxvjs. viijd.' Pells Issue Rolls, 5 Hen. IV. Mich.
Les nouns as queux lettres seront addressees sil plest a notre soverain seigneur le roy et a son conseil desouz le grand seal des armes due conte de Northumbrie pur la liveree de les chasteaux desouz escriptes.' Ibid. p. 211. Sir H. Nicolas there erroneously ascribes this list to August, 1403, while he places it under July, 1403, in his Chronological Catalogue. Ibid. introduction, p. xxii.
'Fait a remembrer que le counte de Northumberlond ad grantez au Sire de Say a Bakyntone le xiij jour Doctober (sic) en presence de Rogger Smert, Robert Wyville, Robert Passemere, Thomas Riddynges, William Russcheale, Johan Cope et Piers Barewelle gardeins de luy ; qil voet envoier a Londres pur son grant seal pur ensealer tout ce que poet estre plesante a notre tresoverain seigneur le roy.' Proc. and Ord. of Privy Council, i. p. 217.
His mother, Elizabeth de Strathbolgi, was born in 1372. Hodgson, History of Northumberland, pt. ii. vol. ii. pp. 43, 49.
`lites resonables pur son estat vesselles dargent armour et chivaux.' Proc. and Ord. of Privy Council, i. p. 216.
Wylie, Henry IV. i. pp. 374, 375.
'La credence du Sire de Say par le Sire de Furnivalle pur declarer au roy notre soveram seigneur.' Proc. and Ord. of Privy Council, i. p. 213. In editing this work, Sir H. Nicolas has often paid little regard to the contents of the very valuable documents he was printing. This 'credence,' for example, is entered in his Chronological Catalogue, introduction, p. xxii., as ' Minutes of councils held at Durham, 25th September and 13th October, 1403,' and on p. 213 as ` Minutes of councils held at Warham (not corrected in errata, p. lxxxvi.), 25th September and 13th October, 1403.' The truth being that, as plainly appears in the document itself, the despatch relates to a council held at Durham on the 25th of September, and the memorandum to an interview between Lord Say and the earl of Northumberland, at Iiaginton, in Warwickshire, on the 13th of October, 1403.
La credence donnee au Sire de Say par le conte de Westmerlande pour declarer au roy notre seigneur.' Ibid. p. 209. Sir H. Nicolas wrongly ascribes this document to `about July, 1403.' If he had read it through, he would have seen that the king was in Wales, and the earl of Northumberland in prison at the time.
Ibid. p. 214.
Proc. and Ord. of Privy Council, i. p. 213.
Rot. Pat. 4 Henry IV.; 2, 8, in Wylie, Henry IV. i. p. 369, n. 5. Lord Say was no enemy of the earl of Northumberland, to whom he left £20 in his will dated 1404: ` I having been a soldier under the said earl and received more than I deserved.'
Hardyng, Chronicle, cciii. p. 362.
Wylie, Henry IV. i. p. 367
Secessit cum cotidiana familia ad Werkeworthe proprium castrum suum.' Annales Henrici Quarti, Rolls Series, J. de Trokelowe, etc., p. 371. Rediens ad castellum proprium de Werkwortha.' Walsingham, Ypodigma Neustriæ, Rolls ed. p. 402.
It is extremely difficult to understand where Northumberland was at the time of the battle of Shrewsbury. Hardyng, the best authority, says that he 'came not out of Northumberland,' but it may appear strained to interpret this to mean that he never advanced further than some place west of Newcastle. Ridpath, generally a careful judge of evidence, says his tardy advance was caused by his being taken ill at Berwick, but gives no authority. Border History, 1810, p. 373. The earl, born in Scarborough castle on the 4th of July, 1341, was only sixty-two years old at the time. Walsingham's account of his advance 'in manu robusta et brachio extenso' scarcely tallies with his traditionary sickness. Ypodigma Neustriæ, Rolls ed. p. 402.
Proc. and Ord. of Privy Council, i. p. 207.
Hardyng, Chronicle, ed. Ellis, 1812, p. 351 n. Hotspur's departure for Chester with such a small following is perhaps the best example on record of that uncurbed spirit of adventure—effrenata temeritas —that gave him his name. Ann. Hen. IV. p. 363.
In Scotichronicon, lib. xv. 1152, it is expressly stated that Hotspur, after having reduced the castle of Cocklawes, instead of capturing it, allowed the garrison several weeks for surrender, in order to gain time for further increasing his forces, such forces being really intended, not for the conquest of Scotland, `but that he might overthrow his own sovereign, Henry king of England, as was soon after put out of doubt.' Ann. of the House of Percy, i. p. 215, n. 2. According to the Annales Henraci Quarti all .the chivalry of England prepared to keep the tryst at Ormiston but soon found out that the whole story was a myth : ` Cumque multi se parassent ad istud negotitn, totum repente monstrabatur phantasma fuisse, et frivolum.' Rolls Series, Joh. de Trokelowe, etc., p. 361.
Proc. and Ord. of Privy Council, i. p. 206. Mr. de Fonblanque in Ann. of the House of Percy, i. p. 211, n. 2, points out that this letter bears conclusive internal evidence of having been written in connection with those from Prince Henry, dated Shrewsbury, 15th and 30th May, which Sir H. Nicolas was inclined to assign to 1402. Proc. and Ord. of Privy Council, ii. pp. 61, 62. There can, however, be no reasonable doubt that all three belong to 1403. See Wylie, Henry IV. i. p. 342 n.
Comes denunciavit regi non opus esse sibi sua praesentia, sed nec expedire ut elongaret a patria sed tamen adquievit, ut domini accederent, et barones.' Annales Henrici Quarti, Rolls Series, Joh. de Trohelowe, etc., p. 361.
Ibid. i. p. 204.
Proc. and Ord. of Privy Council, i. p. 203.
The Ordnance Survey of Scotland disposes of the difficulty historians have laboured under in fixing the site of Cocklaw. The Percies would hardly have bound themselves to be both at Cocklaw and Ormiston on the 1st of August had they not been the same place. James and Thomas Gledstanys 'nubiles viri' were witnesses to the publication in the neighbouring church of Great Cavers on the 13th of November, 1404, of the papal confirmation of that church to Melrose abbey. Liber de Melros, ii. p. 486.
Scotichronicon, lib. xv. 1152; Ann. of House of Percy, i. p. 215 n.
Hardyng, Chronicle, ccii. It seems very evident that the report made to the earl of Northumberland by a messenger sent by him to Edmund Mortimer by the king's leave relative to a treaty with Owen Glendower in Proc. and Ord. of Privy Council, ii. p. 59, is to be referred to the period between Mortimer's capture and his open treason, and not as by Sir H. Nicolas to 1401. In it Owen is made to express a wish to meet the earl, for whom he professed much attachment, and to add that he would willingly proceed to the Marches of England to treat of a peace if it were not for the danger he would be in on account of the popular rumour that he intended to root out the English language. Probably the necessary 'assuraunce,' as Hardyng calls it, was given him, and led to his meeting Hotspur in place of the earl.
Eulogium Historiaruin, Rolls ed. iii. p. 396.
J. H. Wylie, Hist. of England under Henry IV. i. p. 297.
Rymer, Foedera, viii. p. 278.
The whole interest of England at this juncture seems to centre in the home of the Percies, so much so that three scenes of Shakespeare's Henry IV. are laid at Northumberland's castle of Warkworth, which he well describes as `a worm-eaten hold of ragged stone.' For those who do not possess a degree of imagination sufficient to call up the true facts of history before their eyes, this employment of the castle as a stage background by the great dramatist is the most interesting circumstance connected with it. It is better, then, to caution those who are thus bent on mistaking poetry for history that the celebrated tripartite indenture between the earl of Northumberland (not Hotspur), Mortimer, and Glendower was made in 1406, not in 1403 (Giles, Incerti Scriptoris Chvonicon, p. 39) ; that Hotspur was born in 1366, Henry IV. in 1367, and Henry V. in 1388 ; that the name of Hotspur's wife was Elizabeth, not Kate ; that her brother Sir Edmund Mortimer, who married the daughter of Owen Glendower, was not earl of March ; that the earl of Northumberland received the news of Hotspur's death not at Warkworth, but at Newcastle, while his countess, Maud de Lucy, died in 1398, and could not have been before Warkworth castle in 1405, counselling her husband to forsake Archbishop Scrope and fly to Scotland, as in Henry IV. act ii. scene iii., etc.
Nos autem dictus Dominus Henricus de Percy ad honorem Dei Patris omnipotentis, et Filii, et Spiritus Sancti, et beatae Mariae semper virginis, genetricis ejusdem Dei et Domini nostri Jhesu Christi, respicientes, et necessarium obsequium ipsorum quod in presenti itinere nostro versus partes guerrivas nos oporteat considerare et requirere cum effectu pro nobis et complicibus nostris in predicto itinere nostro, ac pro salute nostra et liberorum nostrorum, quamdiu vixerimus, et animarum nostrarum cum ab hac Luce migraverimus, necnon pro animabus omnium antecessorum nostrorum, ac anima Margaretae nuper consortis nostrae charissimae, etc. . . . . Datum in castro nostro de Warkworthe, nono decimo die Junii, Anno Dni. M° CCC° septuagesimo tertio. Hiis testibus, Dominis Willelmo de Albroughe, Ricardo Tempest, Ingramo Umfravill, Roberto Claveringe, Johanne Herone, Willelmo de Claxtoune, militibus, Dominis Johanne de Acun, Petro de Wellum, et Johanne de Metheley, capellanis, Henrico Percy, Thoma de Modirby, Willelmo de Atone, Nicholao de Herunne, Johanne de Rodham, Willelmo de Findemer, Thoma de Burton clerico, Thoma de Wattone clerico, et Thoma Galoune tunc temporis seneschallo.' Charters of Alnwick abbey, 31, Tate, Hist. of Alnwick, ii. app. p. xxi. ; Lansdowne MS. 326 ; Dodsworth. Many of these witnesses were probably included in the retinue of 12 knights, 47 squires, 160 mounted archers and men-at-arms, who accompanied their lord to France, see Annals of the House of Percy, i. p. 110, and Exchequer Rolls (Army), 45 Ed. III.
`Qui obiit in castello de Werkworth in die Ascensionis Domini hora undecima, littera dominicali A luna currente per unum, anno Domini millesimo trecentesimo sexagesimo octavo.' Ibid. In 1368 A was the Sunday letter, and 1 the golden number of the lunar cycle.
Hiis testibus, domino Roberto de Rothbury tunc abbate de Alnewyk ac Henrico de Percy, Thoma de Percy filiis meis, Ricardo Tempest, Thoma Surteys, Ingram de Umfravyll militibus, magistro Thoma de Farnylawe vicario de Emeldon, domino Willelmo de Neuport rectore ecclesie de Wermouth, domino Johanne Jordan necnon Ricardo Dask, Henrico de Percy, Johanne Whitlee, Hugone Galon et aliis. Data apud Werkworth in Annunciatione Virginis gloriosae anno Domini millesimo trecentesimo sexagesimo quarto.' Registrum Cartarum Conventus de Holne, Proc. Arch. Inst. 1852, ii. app. p. xcv.
nq. p.m. 26 Ed. III. No. 52A, printed in Proc. Arch. Inst. 1852, ii. app. p. cxxx.
Quasi modica infirmitate detentus in Castro de Werkworth obiit insperate.' Chron. Mon. de Alnewyke, Arch. Ael. 4to series, iii. p. 40.
Cal. Rot. Scot. i. p. 381.
` Vinrent à Urcol, et ordirent et pillèrent toutte le ville et le pays de là environ.' Froissart, ed. Kervyn de Lettenhove, iii. p. 437.
Her remarkable seal with the cross lozengy, over all a bendlet, of her second husband, Sir Thomas Ufford, impaling by dimidiation the fretty of her third husband, Sir James Audeley, on a shield set in a richly cusped circular panel, between three lozenges with the Clavering quarterly, a bendlet in smaller panels, is attached to a grant from her under the style of ` Eue la fille monsire Johan de Claverynge,' dated Newton-Flotman, 20th December, 1346. Brit. Mus. Cart. Harl. 48, B. 34 ; Catalogue of Seals, No. 8611.
Dugdale, Baronage, i. p. 109. John de Clavering died at his manor of Aynho, in Northamptonshire, and was buried in the choir of Langley abbey. Among the muniments of Balliol college, Oxford, is an instruction from him to his receivers, to pay certain moneys to that college, dated Aynho, 1st May, 1328. The seal, said to be `nearly perfect,' in Historical MSS. Comm. 4th Report, pt. i. p. 444, proves very small, and in bad preservation, with merely the Clavering shield, and the legend `S Johannis fil Roberti.'
Cal. Patent Rolls, Edw. III. p. 309.
Cal. Rot. Pat. 2 Ed. III. m. 25 ; Hodgson, Northd. pt. ii. vol. iii. p. 366. ` Iste etiatn Henricus perquisivit de dono regis baroniam de Werkworth pro suo bono et crebro servitio.' Chron. Monasterii de Alnezyke, Arch. Ael. 4to series, iii. p. 39.
Notes respecting Travelling in the former half of the 14th Century, by Rev. Joseph Hunter, Proc. Arch. Inst. 1846, p. 23.
` Dum . . . . rex Edwardus circa sponsalia intenderet, Robertus rex Scociae cum suis in Angliam revertentes castra de Alnwyk, Werkworth et alia castra Northumbriae, obsidentes et saepius assilientes, multa mala fecerunt.' Chron. de Melsa, Rolls ed. ii. p. 357 ; see also Chron. de Lanercost, p. 260.
'Castrum praedicti domini (Henrici Percy) apud Werkeworthe adeunt, obsessuri ; ubi quibusdam de suis interfectis a suo proposito defraudati, versus Scotiam sunt profecti.' Gesta Ed. III. auctore Bridlingtonensi (Rolls series, Chron. Ed. I. and II. ii. p. 97). It does not appear why Warkworth should be said to already belong to Henry Percy.
Cal. of Patent Rolls, Edw. III. p. 131.
Rot. Pat., 20 Edw. II.
Cal. of Close Rolls, 16 Edw. II. p. 663.
Cal. of Doc. rel. to Scot. iii. p. 146.
Grose, Antiquities. London : Hooper, 1785, iv. p. 162, quoting a MS. account of Roger de Waltham, keeper of the wardrobe.
En le chastel de Werkeword sont de la propre garneison xij hommes darmes et le roy y mettra iiij hommes darmes et viij hobelours as custages le roy le qieux Robert Derreys et Johan de Thirlewalle ont empres de trouver.' Excheq. Q.R. Misc. (Army) 37/8.
Cal. of Doc. rel. to Scot. iii. p. 623.
Cal. of Close Rolls, io Edw. II. p. 465.
Cal. Rot. Scot. i. p. 131.
Cal. Pat. Rolls, Edw. II. p. 401.
Abb. Rot. Orig. i. p. 185, ro. 6, 5 Ed. II. ; Wallis, Northd. vol. ii. p. 353 ex Rot. Claus. 6 Ed. II. m. II ; Hodgson, Northd. pt. iii. vol. ii. p. 293.
The Titular Barony of Clavering, p. 27.
The Titular Barony of Clavering, p. 27.
Stubbs, Constitutional History, ii. p. 328.
Castrum de Werkeworth, summa bonorum Roberti filii Rogeri £8 12s. 2d. unde regi 17s. 2.12d.' The order for the collection of a twenty-fifth appears to have been originally issued in July, 1309.
Est ibi quaedam placea continens in se unam acram et dimidiam terrae super quam castrum est situm ; et praedictus Robertus dedit herbagium ejusdem in feodo constabulario ejusdem castri.' Inq. p.m. 3 Ed.II. No. 55, Arch. Ael. iii. p. 104. In accounts of Warkworth it is usually said that the castle contains between five and six acres. Grose seems to have been the originator of this mistake. Antiquities. London : Hooper, 1785, iv. p. 152.
Misc. Chart. No. 461, in the Treasury, Durham. Attached to this is a seal, 3/4 in. diameter, with the arms Quarterly over all a bend, and the legend ' S • RO BER TI', all within a cusped panel. This is engraved in Surtees, Durham, ii. Seals, plate x. No. 20, but in ibid. iv. app. p. clxxi. it is erroneously attributed to Robert de Widdrington. The Widdrington arms only differed from those of the lords of Clavering in the 1st and 4th quarters being argent instead of or. A still plainer seal of Robert fitz Roger appended to a deed dated at Horsford the vigil of St. Andrew (29th November), 1279, is engraved in Blomefield, Norfolk, cont. by Parkin, x. p. 439.
Excheq. Q.R. Memor. 33 Ed. I. m. 37 ; Cal. of Documents relating to Scotland, ii. p. 417.

WARKWORTH CASTLE (continued) 2

from page 1


     Heron and Roubiri denied that they had ever taken a large coffer to Warkworth at all, or that the money in question had anything to do with Cressingham. They swore that it was deposited at Warkworth before his death. According to Heron, it was a sum of £281 which he had received from the issues of the coket at Berwick ; and which, when the Scots rose against the king and slew the sheriff of Lanark, he put, for fear of them, into two leather bags and two pouches, and, by Hugh de Roubiri's advice, sent them to Warkworth castle about the 15th of August, 1297. He there delivered them himself to Roubiri, who placed them in the treasury of the castle under the custody of the constable. Roubiri's evidence bore this out, with the slight discrepancy that he said he received the bags, and two canvas pouches strapped together, about the gule (the 1st) of August. Immediately after Cressingham's death, for fear of the Scots, the carried the two leather bags to Durham castle. Roger Heron acknowledged that he received them there from Roubiri as he was returning to Scotland with the English barons who had been summoned to quell the insurrection. They contained £200, half of which he paid to Walter de Agmondesham for the king's business, and half by tallies to the treasurer at York. What became of the two pouches and the remaining £81, Heron could not tell. Roubiri deposed that he hid these pouches, which he understood contained only 35 marks, with some of his own jewels in a sack of his wool at Warkworth. Pouches, silver, jewels, and wool he never saw again, for the keepers of the castle and Robert fitz Roger when he came there sold the wool and carried off the valuables. N
   Robert fitz Roger had been at Warkworth on the Thursday after the feast of St. Mary Magdalen (22nd July), 1304, when, in the presence of Sir John de Swyneburne, Sir Roger Corbet, Sir John de Vaux, John de Eure, John de Lisle (of Woodburn), and John de Normanville, he set his seal to an agreement with Lucia the widow of Thomas de Dyvelston respecting boats crossing the water of Tyne at Corbridge. N He allowed the constable at Warkworth the herbage of the castle and its precincts, which covered then, as now, about an acre and a half. LN His goods in the castle of Warkworth were returned as of the value of £8 12s. 2d. in the Subsidy Roll of 1312. LN He was one of the six barons appointed ordainers, 25th March, 1310, N and died very soon afterwards.
    John fitz Robert, who had been summoned to parliament as John de Clavering in 1299, did homage for his father's lands, 29th March, 1310. N The next year (10th November, 1311), he made a compact with Edward II. that, in consideration of his being granted for life the manor of Costessey and other lands in Norfolk, Suffolk, and Northamptonshire, his castle of Warkworth and the manors of Rothbury in Northumberland and Eure in Buckinghamshire should, on his death, become the property of the king or his heirs ; as should also his manors of Newburn and Corbridge, in the event of his leaving no legitimate male issue. N On the same day John de Clavering obtained a licence to grant in fee his manor of Whalton to Geoffrey le Scrope. N
The long continuance of the Scottish wars made it expedient that the king should have the castles of Northumberland under his immediate control. This was attained, to a certain extent, by his furnishing a portion of their garrisons. In a safe-conduct for John le Irish de Hibernia, dated at York 15th August, 1314, Edward II. provides that were the Irishman close pressed by the Scots the constable of Warkworth, if certain no fraud was intended, should receive him into the castle. N His debts appear to have been the cause of Clavering's ruin. On the 1st of May, 1317, he acknowledged that he owed the then vast sum of £600 to Fredulcius Hubertini, merchant of Lucca, the executor of Donus de Podio of that town, and charged his land and chattels with that sum. N
    At the close of Gilbert de Middleton's rebellion in 1317, the loyal garrison of Warkworth, in conjunction with those of Alnwick and Bamburgh, reduced the peles of Bolton and Whittingham. N The agreement entered into with John de Crumbwell and Robert d'Umframvill, earl of Angus, as wardens of the March of Northumberland, in September, 1319, mentions that the castle of Warkworth had its own garrison of 12 men-at-arms, and that the king would place in it at his own cost 4 men-at-arms and 8 hoblers or light horsemen, to be chosen by Robert Darreys and John de Thirlewall. LN In 1322 Robert Darreys, constable of Warkworth, is said to have contributed 26 hoblers from the garrison for the king's expedition to Scotland ;N but on the 26th of September in that year Ralph de Neville, as constable, was severely reprimanded by Edward II. for neglecting a favourable opportunity of attacking the Scots. N
    On the 26th of June, 1323, John de Clavering was ordered to cause Warkworth to be provisioned and safely guarded, as the king wished the castles on the Marches of Scotland to be well sustained notwithstanding the conclusion of the truce. N On August 2nd, 1326, he was commanded to repair to the castle himself. N In June, 1327, Ralph de Neville received £157 7s. 6d. for his wages and the wages of the men-at-arms and hoblers whom he had retained in the service of Edward II. when he was constable of Warkworth. N
    After their hasty retreat from Stanhope park in the early part of August, 1327, the Scots, having failed to surprise Alnwick, laid siege to Warkworth. Several of them perished in the attack, and the rest, disappointed of their purpose, set off home. LN Towards the end of the year, however, while Edward III. was absorbed in preparing for his marriage with Philippa of Hainault, Robert Bruce entered Northumberland with a large army and invested Alnwick, Warkworth, and other castles. But though these set sieges were followed by frequent irregular attacks, the garrisons made a successful resistance. LN In their alarm, the inhabitants of the bishopric of Durham, `the county of Carlisle,' Richmondshire, Cleveland, and Westmoreland bought for a large sum a truce with the Scots till the following Easter. Before this term expired, the Treaty of Edinburgh, in which Edward III. renounced his claims over Scotland, was concluded on the 17th of March, 1328. Sir Geoffrey le Scrope, one of the English envoys, had broken his journey at Warkworth on the night of Sunday, the 6th of March, and on Monday, the 7th, William le Zouch, another of them, had arrived there. N
Edward III., on the 2nd of March, 1328, had made over his reversionary interest in Warkworth and the other northern estates of John de Clavering to the second Henry Percy of Alnwick, in lieu of the hereditary custody of Berwick and an annuity of 500 marks out of the customs of that port which had been granted to Percy during peace or war providing he served the king for life with a certain number of men-at-arms ; but if the issues of the castle and lands exceeded the 500 marks Percy was to account for the excess. LN On the 6th of August following, the king, being at York, made a grant to Percy of the yearly rent of 500 marks due from him for the custody of the lands of the heirs of Robert le Fitz Wauter, in lieu of the like sum due to him for his fee for his stay with the king, but if the Clavering reversion fell in this abatement was to cease. N John de Clavering did die without male issue, on the 18th of January, 1332, N and Warkworth, with its castles and dependencies, carne into the Percy family. The barony of Robert fitz Roger, indicated by the writ of 28th June, 1283, and that of Clavering, created by the writ of 29th December, 1299, both passed to his daughter Eve, wife of James de Audeley, and fell into abeyance among her descendants. N
    The Scots appear to have burnt and sacked the town of Warkworth just before the relief of Wark in 1341. N In 1335 the constable and his lieutenant received orders from Edward III., dated Berwick, October the 10th, to release Adam Skele and Nicholas Betteson, men of that town, who had been committed to their custody on suspicion of treason. N
    Henry the Strong, the first Percy of Warkworth, died there unexpectedly on the 27th of February, 1352, after having been detained by a short illness. N The jury of inquest empannelled at Alnwick on the 21st of March, before John de Coupland, as escheator of Northumberland, returned the buildings in the castle of Warkworth as of no value beyond the cost of repairing them. The herbage of the moat was worth 18d. a year, and was let for that sum. N
The succeeding lord, Henry Percy the Short, conferred at Warkworth various privileges on the Carmelites of Hulne, at the instance of their prior, Robert de Populton, on the feast of the Annunciation (25th March), 1364. Sir Richard Tempest, Sir Thomas Surtees, Sir Ingram Umframvill, and others were there at the time. L This lord, too, died at Warkworth on Ascension day, the 18th of May, 1368, at five o'clock in the afternoon—proof that the castle had become a favourite residence of the Percies. LN The inquisition taken at Newcastle as to the lands he left, again states that the castle of Warkworth was worth nothing over and above the expense of keeping it in repair ; the annual value of the herbage of the moat had fallen to 12d.
    On setting out for the wars in France in 1373, Henry Percy, the next lord, ratified the charters of Alnwick abbey, at his castle of Warkworth, on the 19th of June, in the presence of Sir William de Aldburgh, Sir Richard Tempest, Sir Ingram Umframvill, Sir Robert Clavering, Sir John Heron, and Sir William Claxton. LN Created earl of Northumberland at the coronation of Richard II. in 1377, he practically placed Henry Bolingbroke on the throne. N
    On the 14th of September, 1402, he obtained a great victory over the Scots at Homildon, near Wooler. With the view, apparently, of securing a more lasting peace with Scotland, Henry IV. gave orders that none of the prisoners taken at this battle should be ransomed. At the same time he promised their captors that they should not be losers by this change in Border policy. N After some remonstrance, Northumberland brought Murdoch Stewart, son of the duke of Albany, and six other prisoners to London in triumph on the 10th of October. N He took this opportunity, it seems, of complaining that he and his son, Henry Hotspur, had spent their all in the king's service without receiving due payment for the custody of the Marches. With a bare treasury, and no means of refilling it without imperilling his crown, Henry could only reply, ` Aurum non habeo, aurum non habebis.' The great earl of Douglas, who had yielded to Hotspur at Homildon, was conspicuously absent from the pageant. The king required that he, too, should be handed over. Instead, however, of complying, Hotspur sought an audience and demanded that the king should ransom his brother-in-law, Edmund Mortimer, who had been taken prisoner by the Welsh under circumstances which, if not traitorous, were at any rate disgraceful. Henry refused to allow any money to pass out of England to his enemies, and declared that Mortimer was a traitor who had merely pretended to be captured in order to join Owen Glendower. `And thou, too, art a traitor,' he added, charging Hotspur with not seizing Glendower when he had the opportunity, and drawing his dagger on him. Hotspur showed remarkable self-control. Replying ` Not here, but in the field, N to the king's assault,' he declared that his own honour would not have permitted him to violate the safe-conduct given to Owen at their meeting, and at once set out for Berwick. N
    The quarrel of the king with Hotspur does not appear to have interfered with his good relations with Northumberland. On March 2nd, 1403, he bestowed on him the greater part of the south of Scotland, which was therewith declared to have been conquered and annexed to England. The king, no doubt, considered that a grant of this princely character would also settle any financial grievances the Percies had against him. Hotspur seems, however, not to have been content with the fertile territory already subdued. He resolved to overrun the whole country as far as the Firth of Forth, demolishing the fortresses, and systematically burning and destroying all before him ; N but when he appeared before the little tower of Cocklaw, near Hawick, in the upper part of Teviotdale, which belonged to James Gledstaynes, N the captain, John Greenlaw, refused to give it up, and after some show of a siege, an entire suspension of hostilities was agreed to in May, with the stipulation that the garrison would surrender on the 1st of August if they did not previously receive succour from the Scottish government. Hotspur's professed object in agreeing to these terms was to provoke the Scots to a pitched battle more disastrous than Homildon.
    On the 30th of May, the earl of Northumberland wrote to the council from Newcastle-upon-Tyne informing them that he and Hotspur had bound themselves by an indenture to be at Ormiston on the 1st of August, in order to receive possession of the castle if it were not delivered by battle on that day. N He asked for their good offices in obtaining payment from the king, so that he might know by the 24th of June on what support he had to reckon. Instead of the money, he appears to have then received letters from Henry, in which the king first said that he considered the Percies would be sufficiently strong at the appointed tryst at Ormiston without any assistance from him, and then recollecting the great expense this was likely to cause them, told the earl he had given orders to send him in all haste a certain sum of money. Two days later Northumberland replied with the demand of £20,000 as the balance of arrears due to himself and Hotspur. N Henry was utterly unable to provide such a sum, but he resolved to do all he could by marching in person to the assistance of the Percies. The earl in vain endeavoured to dissuade him from this project. L On the 10th of July the king was at Highain Ferrars, in Northamptonshire. He there ordered the council to despatch £1,000 to his eldest son, Prince Henry, who, after a successful raid into Owen Glendower's country, found himself in great pecuniary straits at Shrewsbury. At the same time he declared himself resolved to adhere to his purpose of proceeding to Scotland to there give all aid possible 'to his very dear and faithful cousins, the earl of Northumberland, and Henry, his son, at the battle honourably undertaken by them for him and his kingdom against the Scots, his enemies. N
    Meanwhile, however, a most formidable conspiracy against the unsuspecting king had been woven within the walls of Warkworth. Under the pretence of enlisting the services of the English nobility for the exploit of Ormiston, the Percies had entered into long correspondence with all of them. N At first they were careful not to commit themselves too far; the most they aimed at was to be self-defence and the removal of the king's evil counsellors ; but in the end all these lords, with the exception of the earl of Stafford, bound themselves by their seals to support the Percy schemes in the field. Hotspur entrusted their letters to the custody of his squire, John Hardyng, who had been with him at Homildon and Ormiston ; and when, in the beginning of July, they rode away with eight score horsemen to Chester, Hardyng seems to have deposited the letters in some secret corner of Warkworth castle. N It was not until the 17th of July that the king, at Burton-on-Trent, perceived the imminent danger he was in. At once he ordered a general levy to resist Hotspur, but in doing so confidently declared that by the mercy of God he felt himself strong enough to resist all the enemies of his crown and person. N The battle of Shrewsbury, fought on Saturday, the 21st of July, 1403, proved that this confidence was not misplaced.
 On the following Monday the earl of Northumberland was at last hastening to Hotspur's assistance, when, finding himself confronted by the levies of the earl of Westmorland, he led back the considerable force he had collected to Newcastle. N On the news of Hotspur's death at Shrewsbury, the earl disbanded his army and withdrew with the members of his household to Warkworth castle. LN There, it would appear, he received a letter from Henry IV. promising to receive him again into favour if he would peacefully present himself at York. N
    But though the promise of his life and an honourable maintenance was renewed, the earl found himself arrested, was forced to agree that his four castles of Alnwick, Warkworth, Prudhoe, and Langley should be placed by the king in 'saveguard and good governance,' and was himself thrown into prison at Baginton, a castle situated between Kenilworth and Coventry.
    Under circumstances such as these it is not to be wondered that his grandsons and retainers resolved to hold the castles in question.

To tyme the king had graunt hym plener grace. N

     The 'survey and governance' of all the earl's possessions in the north were entrusted by the king to William Heron, Lord Say. N He presided at a council held in Durham abbey, N when it was decided, among other similar measures, that Sir Henry Percy of Athole, the earl's grandson, Richard Aske, and John Cresswell the constable, should be called on to surrender Warkworth castle to Sir John Mitford, sheriff of Northumberland. N Say, therefore, proceeded to Warkworth in company with Thomas Nevill, Lord Furnival, brother of the earl of Westmorland, Sir Gerard Heron, and Sir John Mitford, and summoned Sir Henry Percy to evacuate the castle, and repair to the royal presence. Sir Henry, who could not have been more than fourteen, N declared himself ever ready to obey his sovereign's behests provided he were properly armed and accoutred, but this, unfortunately, was not then the case. To deprive him of this excuse, the Lords Furnival and Say applied to John Wyndale, the chaplain of Alnwick castle, and to the 'wardroper' there, to furnish Sir Henry with beds suited to his rank, and vessels of silver, armour, and horses. LN This Wyndale and the wardrober refused to do, unless they received a warrant to that effect from the earl. In the end, the two lords, to make the best of a bad business, persuaded Sir Henry Percy to swear on the altar that he would be faithful to the king, and that Warkworth should be well guarded. The constable, John Cresswell, proved equally intractable. The ward of the castle, he maintained, had been granted him for his life by the earl under indenture. The most that could be extorted from him was an oath to keep the castle loyally for the use and profit of both king and earl.
    Henry IV. was at this time (10th September to 2nd October, 1403) in Wales. N Lord Say turned back from Warkworth, bearing a despatch to the king from Lord Furnival relating the facts just stated, N and he was also entrusted with one from the earl of Westmorland. 'The castles of Alnwick and Warkworth,' wrote Westmorland, 'as well as other " fortelettes " in those parts have not yet been reduced to a proper state of submission. The king should come north himself after his arrival from Wales. It would be well if, in the meantime, he would send north by sea siege-engines, cannon, artillery, and other things necessary for storming these castles, both as a terror to the disobedient, and for use in case of emergency.' N
    As want of funds was causing the Welsh expedition to end in failure, it was not very likely that Henry IV. would be able to follow Westrnorland's advice. In this difficulty it occurred to Lord Say that he might procure the pacification of the north by obtaining express orders from the earl of Northumberland for the surrender of Warkworth and the other castles. He travelled to Baginton, and there on the 13th of October, the earl, in the highly suggestive presence of his seven gaolers, agreed with Lord Say that he would send to London for his great seal in order to affix it to 'everything that was pleasing to his sovereign lord the king.' LN About the same time Lord Say submitted to the king and council a schedule of letters and orders to be issued under `the great seal of the arms of the earl of Northumberland.' LN Sir Henry Percy and Richard Aske were to be commanded to come to the king; Sir Thomas Anlaby and John Wyndale were to prepare fitting apparel for Sir Henry Percy and to provide for the costs of his journey ; John Aske was to ride to his brother Richard at Warkworth and to persuade him to journey south in his company ; and Sir John Mitford was to take over Warkworth castle, with the assurance that he would be paid for the expense of guarding it. The earl's great seal was forwarded to him from London by Richard Vaux, a special messenger, sometime before the 9th of November, N but the letters and orders if sealed by it were of little use. On the 30th of November, Lord Furnival was instructed to open fresh negotiations with the defenders of Warkworth, and on the 3rd of December was empowered to receive the custody of it for the king. N On the 6th of that month Henry IV. addressed a writ to Sir Henry Percy commanding him, on his faith and allegiance and on the pain of forfeiting everything he could forfeit, to at once deliver up the castles of Alnwick and Warkworth to Lord Furnival, and, without further excuse of any kind, to put in a personal appearance at court. LN Notwithstanding all which, on the 13th of January, 1404, the castles of Berwick, Alnwick, and Warkworth were still held by main force against the king by Sir William Clifford, Sir Henry Percy, and his younger brother, Sir Thomas, who were distributing the 'livery of the crescent' to the large forces they had collected. LN The castles had not surrendered by the 25th of the month ;N and in February the earl of Northumberland, having been acquitted of the charge of treason by his peers, was, with diplomatic generosity, restored by the king to his estates, even the fine he had incurred being remitted. N
     The earl brought his three grandsons to Henry IV. at Pontefract in June, 1404, N but his conduct continued to excite suspicion. He had but recently arrived in Northumberland, when on Saturday, the 3rd of January, 1405, he received letters from the king desiring his presence at a council to be held at Westminster during the week after St. Hilary's day (14th January). Instead of going, he replied from Warkworth on the 12th of January, excusing himself on the grounds of having just come home, of his great age and feebleness, and of the long and bad road in winter time. He prayed God to grant `his very redoubtable sovereign lord' an honoured life, joy, and health for long to come, and signed himself `your humble Matathyas.' N
    He did attend a council at Westminster on March 22nd, but in the following May the earl, no longer caring to disguise his opinions, seized the person of Robert Waterton, esquire, whom the king had sent to him with a message, and incarcerated him in the castle of Warkworth. L He then joined the conspiracy of Archbishop Scrope, but, as in the case of Hotspur's rebellion, suffered the insurgents to be defeated before he brought up his promised levies.
    At the head of an army of, it is said, 37,000 men, Henry IV. marched into Northumberland in person. He brought with him every conceivable engine of war, from the old-fashioned stone-casting catapults to the newly-invented guns, one of the latter being so large that, it was believed, no wall could withstand the missiles it hurled. N The earl fled before him into Scotland, taking with him his grandson Henry fitz Hotspur. After Prudhoe had fallen in the first place, the royal host;

to Warkworth remeuid in great araye,
 Wher the castell with in aweke was yolde
Vnto the kyng after assautes fell and sore ;
 The casteleyns to passe free wher thei would,
With horse and harnes without chalenge more.

    The castle was summoned from the royal headquarters at Widdrington on the 27th of June, 1405 ;N the capitulation took place on the 1st of July. The king, writing from Warkworth on the following day to acquaint the Privy Council with his success, states that the captain of the castle had announced his determination to hold it for the earl, but that on the royal cannon being brought up they worked such destruction that after the seventh discharge the captain and others of his company cried 'mercy,' and surrendered at discretion. L The captain appears to have been John de Middelham, who had been one of the defenders of Alnwick in 1403. With the rest of the garrison he seems to have been accorded the honourable terms mentioned by Hardyng, but in August, 1407, it was discovered that he had received a letter from the earl of Northumberland, which he had communicated to William de Alnewyk, canon of Alnwick abbey and vicar of Chatton, and he was accordingly arrested and condemned to death. His confession that he had transmitted the letter in question to William de Alnewyk led the canon to flee for his life to the earl of Northumberland in Scotland, where he remained for some time. A pardon was granted to Alnewyk in April, 1408, L and he eventually became archdeacon of Salisbury and bishop first of Norwich and then of Lincoln. N
    Henry IV. had in 1403 appointed his third son, John, then a boy of fourteen, warden of the East March, and in 1405 he bestowed on him the earl's forfeited baronies of Alnwick, Prudhoe, and Langley. N Warkworth, though originally it had been granted to the earl of Westmorland in the camp at Widdrington, N became the headquarters of the young prince. To this period belong four letters written by him at Warkworth, principally to complain of the defenceless state of the Border in consequence of his being left without sufficient funds. N Nor can these complaints be deemed unreasonable when it is remembered that he undertook the custody of the East March for very considerably less than had been allowed to Hotspur, LN and received payment with no greater regularity. In the letter to the lords of the council, 'written in haste at Warkworth, the 28th day of December,' he states that he had actually pawned his silver plate and his jewels for the preservation of Berwick and payment of his soldiery. N He was at Warkworth castle on the 1st of January, 1406, when he confirmed there the privileges of Hulne priory by letters patent. LN The castle was entrusted to the keeping of Sir Robert Umframvill, sheriff of Northumberland, in the capacity of captain ; on the 30th of May, 1406, the king directed him to restore to the prior and convent of Durham the chapel of St. Mary Magdalen, which stood about half a mile to the south of Warkworth, and had been held on lease by the attainted earl of Northumberland. N Sir Robert appointed John Hardyng to be constable under him ; and Hardyng was thus enabled to recover in the castle the letters compromising the loyalty of nearly the whole peerage of England which Hotspur had confided to his care before the battle of Shrewsbury. N Subsequently, the castle would appear to have become the property of the royal warden; as John of Lancaster dates his confirmation of the Maudlins to Durham in 1413  'at our castle of Warkworth on the twelfth day of May in the first year of the reign of my very sovereign brother King Henry the Fifth. LN

    Two years later, on the 21st of May, John Hull and William Chancellor received instructions from the king to conduct Murdoch of Fife, the son of the duke of Albany, who had been a prisoner in England ever since the battle of Homildon, to the north for the purpose of exchanging him for Henry Percy, the son of Hotspur, who had been left in Scotland by his grandfather, and letters ordering them to receive Murdoch were written to the constable of Warkworth and to Sir Robert Umframvill ; N while on the 27th of July, 1415, Henry V., just before setting sail for Honfleur and Agincourt, granted at Southampton an annuity of 3,000 marks to his brother John, whom he had created duke of Bedford, in compensation for the lands that he intended to restore to Henry Percy. The exchange of Murdoch for Percy fell through, and it was not until the 28th of February, 1416, that Lord Grey of Codnor and Sir John Nevill received Percy at Berwick from the hands of Albany's agents. N On the 18th of March following Henry Percy did homage to the king in parliament, and was, he tells the prior of Durham, 'restored to my name ' as earl of Northumberland. N On the 14th of April an order was issued to the bailiffs and farmers to admit him to the possession of all lands granted in tail to his father or the earl his grandfather. That same year he was made warden of the East March, and the castle of Warkworth seems to have become his favourite home. Here he confirmed the rights of Hulne priory on the 3rd of October, 1417, in a charter of which Sir Robert Umframvill is the first witness ;L and here his son, John Percy, was born on St. Grimbald's day (8th July), 1418.N In the Treasury of Durham are preserved five letters of this period dated from Warkworth castle, though the years are unfortunately not given. In one (6th March, 14 . . ) addressed 'To oure right dere and with all oure hert enterly wele be lovede sire in god the lord prioure of Duresme' the earl of Northumberland, having, as he says, previously applied for 'licence and lefe ' unto his priest Sir John of Warmouth 'to permutate with the vycar of Byllynghame,' offers `to be bonden with other knyghtes and squyers' that Warmouth sall be of gude beryng unto' the prior and all his tenants and parishioners. N This letter not producing the desired effect, the earl wrote again, this time to the prior and convent and in French, on the 11th of March ; N this second letter was supported by one of the same date from his countess, who equally betrays her eagerness to have the vicar of Billingham for chaplain in Warmouth's stead. N Notwithstanding these importunities the exchange seems never to have been effected. On the earl's second letter the seal of his signet still remains bearing a lion sejant guardant, gorged with a crescent, and the motto ie espoyr; that of the countess on her letter has a sprig in flower enclosed in a crescent inscribed with l'esperance. N Another time the earl (21st July, 14 .. ) informs the prior and convent that his ` squier and cousin William Strother hath a son whiche occupieth ye scoles at Oxenford called Henry Strother' N his 'Sybman,' and asks `that unto some benefice' of their 'colacion' they `woule vouchesave aftre ye preferment' of his ` clerk maistre George Radcliff specially to have him recommended.' N In the fifth of these Warkworth letters (15th August, 14 . . ) the earl requests that the bearer, John del Wardrobe, a poor and aged man, may be presented to the first vacancy in the conventual almshouses at Durham. N
Warkworth next appears as the scene of more important negotiations.: from it the bishop of Durham, William Alnewyk, and Lord Scrope write to the king of Scots on the 23rd of August, 1425, respecting a prolongation of the existing truce and Sir Robert Urframvill's mission to his court. N
    In 1428 the earl of Northumberland granted the hospital of St. Leonard at Alnwick to the abbot and canons there with the reservation of an annual payment of 5 marks for his chantry recently founded in his castle of Warkworth. LN The will of William Stowe of Ripon, an old retainer of the Percies, dated 1430, mentions his 'bed of red' and breastplate at Warkworth. N Here, too, the earl confirmed on the 14th of September, 1441, the fishing rights given to Alnwick abbey by John de Vesci. N The issues of the office of the provost of Birling were assigned for the lord's works within the castle in 1442. Robert Davison, the janitor, received 2d. a day in wages granted by the lord's letters patent. John Brotherwyk received four pounds a year for celebrating divine service in the castle chapel in 1443. N
    In 1448 Earl William of Douglas passed into England on the 18th of July 'and did great scaith and brynt Werkworth.' N On the 12th of October, 1450, the earl of Northumberland was again at the castle and bestowed the advowson of the church of Leckonfield on Alnwick abbey. L The priors of Tynemouth and Brinkburn, Sir Robert Ogle, Sir Henry Fenwick, Roger Thornton, William Bertram, Richard Albrough, and John Cartington attested this last charter.




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